Lives Journal 14

Jaka Jarc

 

BODLEAN JUNIUS XI

O anglosashkem rokopisu iz 10. stoletja, ki ga poznamo pod imenom

MS Bodleian Junius XI

in o kontekstu njegove pesnishke obravnave biblijskih zgodb, I. del

 

Uvod

 

Kadarkoli moram sestaviti kratko komunikativno besedilo o anglosashki literarni zgodovini, se mi zachuda pisanje ustavi. Nato skochim na glavo v morje zanimivih literanih dokazov, ki osvetljujejo nek neznani delchek anglosashke socialno-kulturne miselnosti. Strastno tipkam dokler se ne zaletim v misel o naravi mojega notranjega obchinstva. Globoko namrech verjamem v pomembnost konteksta. Dandanes kontekst ni v modi, prisega se na navidezno jasnost informacije same zase, navada pa je celo odmisliti chim vech podatkov in vladi nevednosti omogochiti chim boljshe pogoje za rast. A v sebi verjamem, da se bodo chasi konteksta vrnili in zato mislim, da moram svojemu izbranemu obchinstvu, povedati vech o ozadju katere koli teme, o kateri pishem. Hkrati pa moram predvidevati, da moje izbrano obchinstvo nima predznanja o staroangleshki knjizhevnosti, o chudnem izumrlem jeziku, ki jo je ovekovechil, o pesnishkih oblikah, ki jo konzervirajo nedotaknjeno in svezho skozi chas, o rokopisih in pisarski kulturi desetega stoletja. Privzeti moram, da ne ve veliko o prerodu staroangleshke pismenosti desetega stoletja, o Benediktinski reformi, in da ne pozna neverjetno spretnih umov shkofov Aelfrica in Wulfstana. Pri tem pa je vse to le majhen delchek nenavadnega tujega anglosashkega sveta.

A vendar nochem pristopati elitistichno in z nekakshnega vishka, saj sem sklenil, da bo moje obchinstvo radovedno in zhejno znanja; da so ga na obale neznanja le zanesli hitri tempo zhivljenja in pragmatichne instantne reshitve moderne dobe ter neustavljivi valovi dezinformacij, ki uspeshno polnijo malomarno in povrshinsko urejeno vsebino Interneta, ki do nepozorne javnosti prispe zmalichena. Rad bi posvetil del zhivljenja obveshchanju tistih, ki jih zanimajo chuda sveta nashih prednic in prednikov. A pisana beseda je enosmeren in dvodimenzionalen medij, ki pogosto obvisi v samoti, brez prave povratne informacije. Zato je tezhje najti izhodishche, kjer bi bilo mogoche zacheti obshiren pogovor. Kontekst si predstavljam kot morje, informacije predstavljene brez konteksta pa bolj kot potok ali reko, ki imata jasno zachrtano pot. Na morju lahko izberemo lastno smer, a che izberemo slabo, morda nikoli nikamor ne pridemo. 

Jaka Jarc

 

BODLEAN JUNIUS XI

About the Tenth Century Anglo-Saxon Manuscript known as

MS Bodleian Junius XI

And the Context of its Unique Poetic Takes on Biblical Stories, part I

 

Introduction

 

Whenever I am tasked with producing a short and accessible text about Anglo-Saxon literary history, I often find myself surprisingly stumped. I dive, head first, into some interesting literary evidence illuminating an obscure part of the Anglo-Saxon socio-cultural mind-set. I get carried away, typing passionately, but sooner or later the memory of my inner audience comes crashing down. You see I am a firm believer in the significance of context. These days context is out of fashion, face value is all the rage, and even here data is carefully omitted to allow the reign of ignorance to wax. But I believe context is due a comeback, and accordingly I think my audience, whoever he or she may be, need to be told more about the background of my chosen issue. My inner audience cannot be assumed to possess previous knowledge of Old English literature, the strange extinct language eternalizing it, the poetic form conserving it to remain fresh for consumption, manuscript, or the scribal culture of the 10th century. They must be presumed ignorant of the Old English literary revival of the 10th century, the Benedictine reform, and the strangely capable minds of bishops Aelfric and Wulfstan. And that’s not even scratching the surface of the strange and foreign world that is Anglo-Saxon England.

This is not intended to be elitist, I decided my audience will be curious and thirsty for knowledge, merely abandoned on the shores of ignorance by the fast pace and pragmatic quick fixes of our times and the rampant misinformation abounding in the negligent superficial edited content that is the Internet, mishapen and presented to the unwary public at large. I would like to spend a part of my life informing these curious about the wonders of our great forefathers and mothers. But, the written word is a one-sided and two-dimensional medium, which often lacks feedback. This makes it harder to identify the vantage point for such a vast discussion. In my mind contextual knowledge is like a sea. Whereas information presented without context is more akin to a stream or river with perceivably clear itinerary. At sea, we choose our own path, but if we choose poorly, we may never get anywhere.

Tako skusham zdaj razlozhiti kako staroangleshka knjizhevost odseva vrednotni sistem in socio-kulturno miselnost anglosashkih avtorjev in njihovega obchinstva. Da bi ju priblizhal svojemu she neinformiranemu obchinstvu, moram povedati, da so bili anglosasi germanski priseljenci na Britansko otochje, ki so domnevno ob propadu rimske province Brittanie priskochili na pomoch tedanji etnichni meshanici romaniziranega britanskega prebivalstva, bojda v bran proti keltskim ljudstvom. Naj nalashch obidem preobshirno vprashanje, kaj zajema germanskost, in poudarim, da so do druge polovice 20. stoletja mnogi zaman prizadevno prechesavali srednjeveshke vire, v iskanju neizrechenega o germanskem poganstvu; ko pa je bil Hitler premagan, so s trdim delom in disciplino ta romantichna iskanja vechinoma opustili in se osredotochili na tisto, kar v besedilih dejansko pishe, pa cheprav krshcanskega. Tako so akademiki varno z razdalje objektivnosti obravnavali vire kot rokopise, poezijo, jezikoslovne zakladnice, umetnishka dela, celo arheoloshke dokaze. Na teh temeljih lahko zdaj v njih ishchem tisto, chesar prej nismo znali razbrati, da opustim varno zavetje pozitivistichne navidezne jasnosti informacije same zase, in se, opremljen z poznavanjem preteklih zmot, in kompleksnih akademskih vzporednic na podrochjih teologije, literarne kritike ipd., trudim poglabljati zavedanje o tem, kako literatura lahko osvetli korenine nashe civilizacije in ostane she danes uzhitkonosna. A za uspeh si bom shtel zhe, che mi le malo uspe komu sporochiti, kako pomembno je opazovati stvari v njihovem kontekstu in natanchno ter kritichno.

Zhal pa je to tezhka naloga, nit zgodovinske zgodbe pa neskonchna. Zato tokrat v svet poshiljam del uvoda moje doktorske naloge, saj upam, da bo to razmeroma preprosto delo dobra odskochna deska in nekakshen praizvir, iz katerega bom lahko chrpal nadaljne zapise o pesnishki zgodovini Anglosasov. Moj namen je zacheti vechjo zbirko del, ki bodo razumljiva vsem radovednim. Tako spet nekako zachenjam na sredini, kot se za zgodovinske pripovedi spodobi, in vas vabim da se seznanite z rokopisom iz desetega stoletja, ki ga ljubko imenujemo MS Bodleian Junius XI, po knjizhnici Bodleian library, kjer ga hranijo in po njegovem uredniku iz 17. stoletja, anglo-nizozemskem akademiku Franciscusu Juniusu.

Bralki ali bralcu svetujem, naj si izposodi ali na spletu poishche modernen angleshki prevod pesmi Junius XI, saj teh ne bom v celoti obnavljal, ampak bom prilozhnost izkoristil za prikaz, kako natanchno in poglobljeno delo je potrebno, preden si akademik lahko dovoli sprejeti sklep. Zavedam se da vsi radi poishchemo nakljuchne povezave, ki temeljijo na pomanjkljivih informacijah. Pravzaprav tega v neki meri slej ko prej postane kriv vsak mediaevist, saj ni moch vedeti kateri in koliko virov nam manjka. Vendar pa, chetudi sprejmemo omejitve fizike in smrtnosti, se ne smemo prepustiti lenobi ter skupaj zlozhiti prvih dveh kosov sestavljanke, ki nam omogochata, da nekako zlozhimo svoj sklep. To vodi k ozkoumju, v demokratichno urejenem svetu pa ozkoumje sploshne javnosti mochno shkodi civiliziranemu in konstruktivnemu nachinu zhivljenja.

So here I am, trying to explain how Old English literature reflects its authors’ and perhaps its late Anglo-Saxon audience’s value system and socio-cultural basis of their interaction.  For this to be accessible to my as yet uninformed audience, I need to start by explaining, that the Anglo-Saxons were Germanic settlers of the British Isles coming in after the collapse of the Roman province of Britannia to assist the strange melange of peoples we now call the Romano-British, most probably against the (less Romano-) Celtic peoples. I need to quickly pass by the issue of what is Germanic, but stress that scholars prior to the second half of the 20th century worked hard to parse medieval Germanic literary texts  for the unsaid in search of the heroic and pagan, but then, after Hitler was defeated, through hard work and cruel discipline largely abandoned these romantic notions, turning in stead to what the texts are actually saying, though t be Christian. And here we stand, scholars having safely observed texts from a plethora of angles – as manuscripts, as poetry, as linguistic treasures, as works of art, even as archaeological evidence. Now I parse the texts for context, juxtapose it with other texts, again slightly abandoning the positivist harbour of face value, but attempt to fit myself with the knowledge of previous erroneous wanderings, the new understanding of the complex scholarly parallels in the fields of theology, literary criticism etc., and do my best to advance our understanding of how works of art such as literature can be informative of the roots of our civilisation today as well as a pleasure to read. But, if I achieve nothing else, I will consider it a success, if I manage to impart in some small way the significance of looking at context and doing so with precision and critically.

Alas, the task is hard, and the yarn of historic narrative has no end. So this time I am simply putting a part of the introduction to my doctoral thesis into the world to serve as a spring board and primal fount for my further accessible texts about the poetic history of the Anglo-Saxons. I hope it will be a beginning of a larger body of work, accessible to anyone who is curious. So I begin in the middle yet again, inviting you to get acquainted with a tenth century poetic manuscript, so beautifully dubbed MS Bodleian Junius XI, after the Bodleian library which takes care of it and its 17th century’s own first editor, Anglo-Dutch scholar Franciscus Junius.

I advise the reader to borrow, or simply search the Internet for the English translations of the Junius XI poems, because I will not reiterate them entirely, but rather use this text as a chance to demonstrate precise and painstaking work that a scholar ought to perform before reaching conclusions. I am aware that we all like to find causal links based on scarcity of information; in fact any medieval scholar ends up guilty of the same because there is no way for us to know, what sources or in deed how many have been lost to us. However, though we may take into account physical and mortal limitations, we must not submit to laziness, and simply find two pieces of fact sufficient to form a conclusion. This leads to narrow mindedness, and in a democratic world, narrow mindedness of the general public is extremely detrimental to our civilised and constructive way of life.

Ugotavljanje konteksta biblijske poezije

 

V nadaljevanju sledi uvod moje doktorske dizertacije, v kateri ugotavljam, kako staroangleshke pesnishke parafraze Biblije, Geneza A, Geneza B, Eksodus, Daniel in Kristus in Satan iluminiranega rokopisa Junius XI konca 10. ali zachetka 11. stoletja konceptualizirajo druzhbene interakcije. Izpostavil bom tiste odseke teh pesmi, kjer so bile druzhbene situacije in obravnava posesti prikazane drugache, kot v Svetem pismu samem. Staroangleshki pesniki so namrech svetopisemske zgodbe pogosto prirejali, bodisi z dodajanjem, izpushchanjem ali spremembami vsebinskih poudarkov. Takshna obravnava tvori svojstveno meshanico biblijskih vsebin in staroangleshke pesnishke oblike, sloga ter formulaike. Ta meshanica pa nudi edinstven vpogled v delovanje druzhbe: druzhbeno kulturno identiteto, pojmovanje pravice do domovine, pravice in dolzhnosti, ki urejajo hierarhichna razmerja in samo naravo avtoritete.

Naj na kratko obnovim vsebino dizertacije in tako poskrbim za potrebni kontekst. Najprej predstavim druzhbene koncepcije izrazhene v pesmih v relaciji do posesti; ta se v staroangleshkem slovstvu pogosto pojavlja v tesni navezavi na druzhbene procese. Druzhbene pojave in procese obravnavam tako, da pregledam pojave materialne lastnine ter njen alegorichni simbolizem. Materialna lastnina je namrech v staroangleshki literarni obravnavi pogosto njun skupni imenovalec. Lastnino delim na premichno in nepremichno. Pogledam, kako prenosljivost lastnine vpliva na kulturno identiteto Izraelitov v staroangleshkih pesmih in pravice ter dolzhnosti njihovih elit. Ta pristop se je izkazal kot posebno plodovit pri pesmih Geneza A in Eksodus, v katerih to ljudstvo nastopa predvsem v procesu migracij. Naslednje poglavje obravava idejo pravice do posedovanja zemlje kot nepremichne lastnine in z njo povezane ideje domovine. Da bi predstavil koncept zemeljske posesti sem Izraelitsko ljudstvo opazoval zunaj procesa migracije, kjer je v pesmih fiksno naseljeno. V chetrtem poglavju lahko tako na prej postavljenih temeljih obravnavam hierarhichne odnose, zlasti podobnosti in razlike med odnosoma gospodar-suzhenj in gospod-podrejeni izrazhene v razlichnih delih pesmi Junius XI. V petem poglavju se ukvarjam z delovanjem avtoritete, kot so jo predstavili pesniki pesmi v rokopisu Junius XI s pomochjo dodajanja vsebin, ki jih njihovi Biblijski viri niso vsebovali. V tem poglavju sicer posest she vedno uokvirja druzhbene procese, a sama ni vech osrednji predmet obravnave. V tem zadnjem poglavju razprava ni vech usmerjena v posedovanje kot sredstvo druzhbenih interakcij, ampak obravnava avtoriteto kot abstrakten pojem, ki hkrati sluzhi kot okvir druzhbenih interakcij in uravnava ravnanje s posestmi v teku teh istih druzhbenih interakcij.

 

 

 

 

Determining the Context of Biblical Poetry

 

The excerpt before you is the introductory part of my doctoral dissertation examining how social interactions are conceptualised in the Old English vernacular biblical paraphrases contained in the late tenth- or early eleventh-century illustrated manuscript, MS Bodleian Junius XI: Genesis A, Genesis B, Exodus, Daniel, and Christ and Satan. I focus on those segments of the Junius XI poems, where scriptural depiction of social interactions and treatment of possessions departed from biblical accounts, altered by the Old English poets either through addition, omission, or change in emphasis. The poetic treatment of scriptural narrative in Junius XI presents an original blend of scriptural content and original Old English poetic form, style, and formulas. This blend promises to lend a unique perspective on social conceptions: social cultural identity, the notion of right to a homeland, rights and obligations regulating hierarchical relations, and the nature of authority.

To give you the necessary context, allow me to quickly reiterate my thesis. It began by examining how the poems frame social conceptions through their treatment of possessions, which feature heavily in social interactions and exchanges within Old English narrative. I frame my discussion of social exchanges and allegorical symbolism by examining instances of material possessions in the text. This is because material possessions are the common denominator of both. First, I focus on what I define as ‘moveable possessions’, namely items that can be uprooted and moved. Next I discuss in what way the capacity of the possessions to be moved is significant for the Israelites’ cultural identity and to the rights and obligations of its elites. This line of examination proves especially fruitful in Genesis A and Exodus, where the Israelite people are predominately depicted in migration. My third chapter discusses the right to possess land and the idea of homeland. The discussion moves away from the Israelite people in migration to the idea of the Israelite people in settlement shifting the focus to landed possessions. Chapter four examines hierarchical relations, its focus is on similarities and differences between the master-slave relationship and the lord-retainer relationship in different Junius XI treatments of scriptural narratives. Chapter five discusses the workings of authority, as imagined by the Old English poets of Junius XI and added to their scriptural sources. In this chapter possessions frame social interactions but are themselves no longer the focus of examination. This final chapter rounds up the discussion by shifting the focus of discussion from possessions as the means of social interactions to authority as an abstract notion, which simultaneously frames social interactions and governs the treatment of possessions themselves within these very interactions.

 

 

 

Dizertacija obravnava staroangleshke druzhbene koncepcije kot literarne ideale, ki so vezani na krshchanske moralne imperative, chetudi so ti so skozi literarno obravnavo preoblikovani. Prilagodil so jih stilistichnim in tradicionalnim lastnostim starongleshke pesnishke pripovedi, verjetno pa tudi predvidevanjem in prichakovanjem izhajajochim iz principov delovanja staroangleshke druzhbe same. Moj namen ni bil oblikovati nekih sploshnih zakljuchkov ampak le predstaviti nabor vpogledov. V interpretativni obravnavi pa sem zato moral vzeti v ozir tudi vpliv same pesnishke oblike in simbolizma staroangleshke poezije ter mukoma pridobljeno razumevanje in sposhtovanje poglobljenosti znanja teologije, ki so ga posedovali staroangleshki pesniki in izsledke vrste zgodovinskih raziskav anglosashkih posesti.

 

MS Bodleian Junius XI

 

Vse shtiri pesmi, ki jih obravnavam so zapisane v enem rokopisu. Naj predstavim sploshne informacije o tem rokopisu, njegovih dosedanjih izdajah, izdajah posameznih pesmi, o problemu datiranja rokopisa, vprashanju enovitosti rokopisa in seveda strokovni literaturi o teh pesmih, ki se navezuje na temo dizertacije.

Leta 1655 je nizozemski akademik Franciscus Junius prvich objavil rokopis Junius XI pod naslovom Caedmonova parafraza’. Celoto je obravnaval kot dolgo enovito pesnitev. Na podlagi jezikovnih in stilistichnih obravnav danes vemo, da je zbirka sestavljena iz vsaj pet posamichnih pesmi ki jih poznamo pod naslovi: Geneza A, Geneza B, Eksodus, Daniel in Kristus in Satan. Edino zadnja chrpa vsebino zunaj Stare zaveze ter poleg v krshchansko uradno potrjeno Novo zavezo sega tudi po apokrifnih virih. Genezi A in B pripovedujeta o tem, kako Bog ustvari vesolje in chloveka, o izgonu angelov iz raja, Satanovi tozhbi in njegovem delovanju, ki je privedlo do Adamovega in Evinega izgona iz Raja. Nato porocha o razvoju njunega chloshkega potomstva, Bozhjih kaznih in ponastavitvah vesolja od Kajna in Abela pa vse do Abrahama. Naslednja pesem, Eksodus, je krajša in pripoveduje o pobegu Mojzesovih Izraelitov iz Egipta in njihovem prechkanju Rdechega morja ter vstopu v obljubljeno dezhelo. Pesem Daniel pripoveduje o obdobju, ki so ga Izraeliti prezhiveli v Babilonskem suzhenjstvu, ko je Daniel skozi Bozhjo avtoriteto pridobil lastno avtoriteto, prikazhe Nebokadnezarjevo pot oblasti, njegove sanje, norost in vrnitev v Babilon. Kristus in Satan obravnava Kristusovo soochenje z Luciferjem, sprva v pushchavi, kot porocha Nova zaveza, nato pa apokrifno, v Peklu, kamor se Jezus poda v obdobju treh dni po krizhanju, da bi osvobodil dushe, ki so sicer zasluzhne, a bi ostale zunaj nebes, kamor je mogoche po krshchanski veri priti le skozi Njega. V vsebini je mogoche prepoznati nekakshno vseprisotno temo, ki so jo interpretirali na razlichne nachine, bodisi kot posledico liturgichne namembnosti, ali kot odraz strahov pred Sodnim dnem. V 9. stoletju je namrech izprichano preprichanje, da bo Bog sodil svetu leta 1000, le nekaj desetletij po izdelavi rokopisa Junius XI.

The thesis presents Old English social conceptions as literary ideals which are tied to Christian moral imperatives, though these have been transformed in their literary treatment; they were adapted at least to the stylistic and traditional traits inherent in Old English poetry if not to preconceptions and expectations of Anglo-Saxon society of the time. My intent was to assemble a collection of insights rather than to reach a single sweeping conclusion. Therefore my interpretation had to take into account the implications of form and symbolism of Old English poetry, our painstakingly gained appreciation of the depths of Christian knowledge among Old English poets, and the greatly evolved general historical understanding of individual types of possessions.

 

MS Bodleian Junius XI

 

The following discussion is focused on narratives contained within a single manuscript. I will here provide general information about the manuscript: its editions, the editions of poems, the issue pertaining to the dating of the manuscript then individual poems, the question of manuscript unity, and finally the scholarship on the poems that relates to my research question.

In 1655, the Dutch scholar Franciscus Junius first published the Junius Manuscript under the title ‘Cædmon’s Paraphrase.’ He viewed it as a single long poem. Based on language and style currently the general consensus is that the collection consists of at least five separate poems: Genesis A, Genesis B, Exodus, Daniel, and Christ and Satan. The latter poem is the only one to derive its contents from outside the Old Testament, though it is in fact dipping into the pool of apocryphal biblical narrative, rather then exclusively the New Testament. Genesis A and B tell of God’s creation of the Universe and Man (and woman), the expulsion of angels from paradise, Satan’s lament and agency causing Adam and Eve’s expulsion from Paradise. It goes on to report the evolution of their human progeny, God’s punishment and resetting of his universe from Cain and Abel all the way to Abraham. Exodus is a short poem describing the wondering of Moses’ Israelites escaping Egypt and their crossing of the red sea, reaching the Promised Land. Daniel treats the Israelites’ Babilonian slavery, Daniel’s rise in authority through God’s authority, Nebuchadnezzar’s authority, dreams, madness and return to Babylon. The Christ and Satan poem treat’s Christ facing off against Lucifer, first in the desert as described in the New Testament, then, apocryphally, in Hell, where Jesus goes during the three days after his crucifixion to liberate souls, who were pure, but would have been kept from heaven, if they were robbed of the chance to enter through Him. There is a certain overarching theme, which has been interpreted in various way, from being prepared in liturgical order to being a reflection of the Domesday fears of the late 9th century. There is evidence of contemporaneous belief that the world would be judged in the year 1000, mere decades after the Junius MS is believed to have been produced.

Leta 1832 je Benjamin Thorpe izdal prvo berljivo verzijo besedila Juniusa XI pod naslovom Cædmon's Metrical Paraphrase of Parts of the Holy Scriptures in Anglo-Saxon; with an English Translation, Notes, and a Verbal Index [Cædmonova metrichna parafraza delov Svetih pisem v Anglosashchini z angleshkim prevodom, opombami, in indeksom besed].1 Za njim so temeljito preiskali in opisali rokopis Sir Israel Gollancz leta 1927,2 George Phillip Krapp leta 1931,3 in sorazemrno nedavno, leta 1996, Remley,4 ki se je v obravnavi omejil na parafraze Stare zaveze, ki tvorijo takoimenovano Liber I, izpustil pa je Kristusa in Satana. J. R. Hall je leta 1999 napisal izjemno kritichno recenzijo Remleyeve Old English Biblical Verse, pri tem mu ni oporekal znanja, temvech nejasno argumentacijo in nekaj manjshih pomanjkljivosti. Muirova digitalna izdaja Junius XI,5 vsebuje digitalne fotografije izvirnega rokopisa, njegove transkripcije, zraven pa tudi Kennedyjeve prevode pesmi.6 Ta edicija mi je dobro sluzhila pri delu, saj omogocha rachunalnishko iskanje po slikah dejanskega rokopisa, kar mi je omogochilo pregled izvirne pisave in ilustracij.

Literaturo, ki obravnava pesmi Stare zaveze kot enoto, so dopolnile izdaje posameznih pesmi, zlasti Doanovi zidaji pesmi Geneza A in B 7 ter Lucasova izdaja pesmi Eksodus iz leta 1977.8 Ta je kronološko sicer sledila Irvingovi iz leta 1953,9 a je zatem Irving svoje raziskovanje posameznih aspektov Eksodusa v seriji komentarjev in dodatkov nadaljeval globoko v 1970ta leta.10 Najmlajshi izdaji pesmi Daniel in Kristus in Satan sta Robert Finneganova Christ and Satan11 in Farrellova Daniel and Azarias.12 Doanovi izdaji pesmi Geneze sta vsebovasli tudi komentarje vechjih problemov obravnave rokopisa. Remleyeva Biblical Verse iz leta 1996 sicer ni zares edicija pesmi Junius XI, a odlichno kritichno pretrese strokovno literaturo o pesmih Stare zaveze (brez Kristusa in Satana), pri tem pa zajema tudi strokovno pisanje poznega dvajsetega stoletja.13 Nenazadnje pa moram omeniti tudi zadnjo izdaja v seriji publikacij o Juniusu XI, Daniel Anzelarkovo Old Testament Narratives iz leta 2011, ki je komparativno popolnoma uporaben prevod pesmi Juniusa XI na temo Stare zaveze z opombami, ki jih je mogoche primerjati s Kennedyjevimi.14 Vsi prevodi pesmi Juniusa XI vkljuchno s tistimi v dodatku, so Kennedyjevi, a jih v svojih razlagah obchasno pretresem ob Anzelarkovih in Bradleyjevih, kadar se to v argumentaciji izkazhe kot potrebno.15 Citirani odlomki iz Svetega pisma so vzeti iz Vulgate s prevodi iz Douay-Rheims Bible.16

 

II Pesmi: vsebina in kontekst

 

Prva pesem rokopisa Geneza I teche od vrstice 1 do 234, in opisuje stvarjenje. Nato jo prekine Geneza B. Daljshi del Geneze A sledi po koncu vrinka, in sicer od vrstice 851 do 2936, opisuje pa vsebino od izgona iz Raja do sklepa prilike o Abrahamovem zhrtvovanju Izaka.

 

 

 

In 1832, Benjamin Thorpe published the first readable text of Junius XI as Cædmon's Metrical Paraphrase of Parts of the Holy Scriptures in Anglo-Saxon; with an English Translation, Notes, and a Verbal Index.1 Next, the manuscript was notably examined and described by Sir Israel Gollancz in 1927,2 George Phillip Krapp in 1931,3 and more recently in 1996 by Remley4 who limited his discussion to the Old Testament Narratives making up the so-called Liber I and excluding Christ and Satan. J. R. Hall was extremely critical of Remley’s Old English Biblical Verse in his 1999 review though he never reproached him for his knowledge, but rather for the lack of clarity of his argument and a few smaller omissions. Muir’s digital edition of Junius XI,5 contains photographs of the original manuscript, transcriptions, as well as commentary and Kennedy’s translations of the Junius XI poems.6 I used the digital edition as my main source for parsing the narratives because it includes photographs of the actual manuscript in searchable format and afforded me the option to examine the writing and the illustrations.

The scholarship examining the Old Testament poems as a whole has been augmented by editions of individual poems, especially Doane’s editions of the Genesis poems7 and Lucas’ 1977 edition of Exodus.8 Lucas chronologically followed Irving’s 1953 edition;9 however Irving continued to develop his scholarship on Exodus in several subsequent comments and amendments well into the 1970s.10 The latest editions of the Daniel and Christ and Satan poems are Robert Finnegan’s Christ and Satan11 and Farrell’s Daniel and Azarias.12 Doane’s editions of the Genesis poems included commentary on the larger manuscript issues. Though this was not an actual edition of the Junius XI poems, Remley’s 1996 Biblical Verse critically revised the scholarship on the Old Testament narratives of Junius XI (excluding Christ and Satan) including that of the later part of the twentieth century.13 Finally I must mention the latest addition to the Junius XI publications, Daniel Anlezark’s 2011 Old Testament Narratives which is useful as a translation of the Old Testament poems of Junius XI with notes to compare with Kennedy’s.14 All the translations of the Junius XI poems featured in the thesis, including those in the Appendix, are from Kennedy’s translation of the Junius XI poem, and are occasionally discussed alongside Anlezark’s and Bradley’s where the discussion calls for comparison.15 The scriptural passages in the original and translation are taken from the Vulgate and Douay-Rheims Bible.16

 

II. The Poems: Content and Context

 

The first poem of the manuscript, Genesis A, runs from lines 1 – 234, which describe the creation which is then interrupted by Genesis B. The majority of Genesis A then takes place after the conclusion of Genesis B and runs from line 851 to line 2936, from the expulsion from Eden to the conclusion of the episode of Abraham’s sacrifice.

 

Med vrsticami 235 in 851 je neopazno vrinjena Geneza B, na mestu kjer bi prichakovali, da bo Geneza A opisala izvirni greh. Doane predlaga tezo, da je pisar sledil obstojechemu eksemplarju, v katerem sta bili Geneza A in B zhe zdruzheni; meni, da je nastala potreba po interpoliranju, ker so bile dotichne strani Geneze A bodisi neberljive ali izgubljene.17

Z 2312 vrsticami je Geneza A nadaljsha pesem rokopisa. Po obliki je bolj opisna kot, denimo, Eksodus ali Kristus in Satan. Ker Svetemu pismu sledi precej bolj neposredno kot druge pesmi, je precej lazhje primerjati njene omembe lastnine s tistimi v Svetem pismu.18 Tudi nasploh je to pesem mnogo lazhje primerjati s Svetim pismom, saj so podobnosti konsistentne in jih z lahkoto razpoznamo, zato lazhje opazimo, kje je staroangleshki pesnik zavil po svoje. Pomaga tudi, da je bilo o mozhnih drugih virih za to pesem napisane ogromno strokovne literature.19

Geneza B je staronagleshka verzija kontinentalne stare Sashke pesmi. Njen obstoj je na podlagi besedilne analize Edward Sievers predvideval zhe leta 1875.20 Dokaz je sledil devetnajst let pozneje, leta 1894, ko so v Vatikanski knjizhnici nashli Genezo B. Navadno se vrstice obeh pesmi shteje kar brez prekinitve, tako Geneza B obsega vrstice od 235 do 851. Enako jih shtejem tudi sam, a v svoji razlagi konsistentno pripisujem oznako Geneza B. Pesem je relativno kratka, in ne sledi Svetemu pismu, cheprav mestoma vkljuchuje njegove dele. Za Genezo B velja, da je slogovno boljshe kvalitete kot Geneza A.21 Vsekakor je pripovedno bolj dramatichna in stilsko osredotochena na prvoosebno pripoved, njeni liki so zato tudi bolj plastichni; kar pa je tu najpomembnejshe, pri interpretaciji svetopisemske materije si vzame odlochno vech svobode.

Pripoved obravnava Satanovo tozhbo, kot njegova motivacija za rezhiranje izgona Adama in Eve iz Raja, pa je predstavljen ponos. Na zachetku pesmi izvemo kako sta bila ustvarjena Adam in Eva, kako jima je Bog podelil v upravljanje Raj in bonitete, ki iz njega izhajajo. Kot je povedal Doane, je bila sama interpolacija bodisi stvar nujnosti ali izbire, z namenom v Genezo A umestiti zgodbo o padcu chloveka.22 To, da je bila pesem ustvarjena na tujem, ochitno urednika ni ustavilo pri tem, da jo je vkljuchil sredi pripovedi, zato jo tudi sam brez dvomov obravnavam ob boku drugih pesmi Juniusa XI. A prizadevam si, da bi konsistentno naznacheval do katerih zakljuchkov prihajam na podlagi Geneze B in te vzporejal z dokazi iz drugih pesmi.

Eksodus jes svojimi 590 vrsticami najkrajsha pesem rokopisa Junius XI. Podaja zgodbo o Izraelitih, ki na begu pred Egipchani prechkajo pushchavo in koncno tudi Rdeche morje. Stilsko je ta pesem precej manj opisna kot Geneza A ali Daniel, a v zameno ponuja obchutno vech alegorij in pesnishkih podob. Eksodus vsebuje tudi dve t.i. patriarhalni digresiji umeshcheni v neprekinjen tok pesmi; prva obnovi zgodbo Vesoljnega potopa s posebnim poudarkom na zavezi, ki mu sledi, druga digresija pa prav tako cilja na zavezo, ko nas spomni na Abrahamovo voljnost zhrtvovati prvorojenega Izaka.

Between lines 235 and 851 Genesis B is seamlessly interpolated where the expected content of Genesis A would be the committal of the original sin. Doane suggests that the scribe was following an extant exemplar, which contained the Genesis A and Genesis B poems already in combination; he believes the exemplar necessitated the inclusion because the available version of Genesis A at the time was either unreadable or missing.17

With its 2312 lines, Genesis A is the longest of the Junius XI poems. Its form is more descriptive than that of, for example, Exodus or Christ and Satan. It follows scripture much more directly than the other poems do. This is why it is easier to compare its passages relating to possession to scripture.18 On the whole, this poem lends itself best to comparison with scripture since the similarities between the Vulgate and Genesis A are consistently identifiable and so it is easier to spot original additions on the part of the Old English poet. There is also plentiful extant scholarship on possible sources for the poets’ additions other than the direct passage of the Vulgate.19

Genesis B is an Old English adoption of an Old Saxon poem. Edward Sievers had speculated its existence based on textual analysis in 1875.20 This was conclusively proven nineteen years later in 1894, when the actual Saxon Genesis was discovered in the Vatican library. Genesis B’s lines are usually counted continuously with Genesis A; they run from 235 to 851. I count them in the same way, though consistently mark it Genesis B in my discussion. It is a fairly short poem and does not follow scripture, though it includes parts of its narrative. Genesis B has been perceived as superior in style to Genesis A.21 Its style is more dramatic, focused on first person speech with added plasticity of characters, and most importantly, its interpretation of scripture takes much more liberties.

At the centre of the poem is Satan’s lament with pride presented as his motivation for leading of Adam and Eve into sin. The poem begins with the creation of Adam and Eve and God’s grant of Paradise and its benefits into their possession. Doane viewed the interpolation as a matter of either necessity or choice allowing Genesis A to contain the Fall of Man story.22 The poem’s foreign inception did not impact the editor’s choice to include it mid-narrative, which is why I have no qualms about using it alongside the other poems of Junius XI. I do however strive to consistently remark which of my conclusions are tied to Genesis B and try to correlate any conclusions with evidence in other poems.

Exodus is the shortest of the Junius XI poems; consists of 590 lines of text relating the story of the Israelites’ wandering through the desert and crossing the Red Sea. The style of the poem is much less descriptive than that of the Genesis A and Daniel poems but it contains considerably more allegory and imagery. Exodus also contains two so-called patriarchal digressions in a single continuous block of narrative; one recapitulates the story of Noah’s Flood emphasising the ensuing covenant and the other recalls Abraham’s willingness to sacrifice Isaac.

Pesem vseskozi poudarja Bozhjo obljubo prihodnje sreche in rodno pravico Izraelitov do Obljubljene dezhele. Ti dve digresiji so nekateri skushali opredeliti kot interpolaciji, a danes velja konsenz, da sta bili vseskozi integralen del pesmi, ki povezujeta vrsto njenih notranjih tem.23 V zgodnjem obdobju njene obravnave so menili, da patriarhalni digresiji motita tok pripovedi: Hugo Balg je celo predlagal, da bi ju obravnavali locheno, kot pesem Exodus B.24 Tudi Alois Brandl je predlagal, da bi ju obravnavali kot lastno delo in predlagal naslov ‘Noah und andere Patriarhen’.25 Sedgfield pasusa preprosto ni vkljuchil v svojo izdajo in je celo kritiziral Krappa, da ga je. 26 W. P. Ker je digresijo oznachil kot neznosno, Charles Kenedy pa je menil, da prekinja pesnishko sekvenco EksodusaI.27 Chetudi, kot je zapisal Hauer, lahko zavrachanje pasusa razumemo kot odraz stopnje znanja chasa, je sam menil, da gre za enovito pesem.28 Termin digresija ostaja v rabi, navkljub preprichljivemu argumentu Richarda Marsdena, da sta pasusa v resnici integralnega pomena pri sporochilu, ki ga zheli pesem predati, o temelju pravice do Obljubljene dezhele, ki jo dosezhejo na koncu pesmi, in da bi bilo treba izraz digresiji’ zamenjati z izrazom ingresiji’.29

Daniel shteje 764 vrstic. Pripoved se zachne za zasuzhnjnjem Izraelitov in koncha nenadoma, z unichenjem zhrtvenih posod Izraelitov. Te naj bi predstavljale del Salomonovega zaklada v lasti Izraelitov. Pesem spet bolj dosledno sledi Svetemu pismu, a chrpa snov iz vech razlichnih knjig le-tega. Del svetega pisma, ki v Vulgati stoji pred knjigo Daniel, a se nanjo navezuje, je v pesmi zgoshchena v nekakshen uvod. Pesem zajema tudi dolgo verzijo pesmi treh mladenichev v pechi, vir iz katerega je chrpala pa je bila najverjetneje Himna in ne Danijel iz Vulgate.30

Kristus in Satan izstopa med ostalimi pesmimi. Med drugim, ne obravnava dogodkov iz Stare zaveze in se ne navezuje na Vulgato. Kot shkof desetega stoletja Ælfric, si tudi urednik Juniusa XI ni pomishljal uporabiti apokrifov , kakrshen je na primer Pilatov Evangelij, ki velja za enega virov pesmi Kristus in Satan.31 Staroangleshka svetopisemska poezija enako rada posega po apokrifih kot po kanonu Svetega pisma. Kot pravi Biggs: “Anglosasi so podedovali tako zanimanje kot nezaupanje do apokrifov od latinskih cerkvenih ochetov zlasti Hieronima in Avgushtina.«32 Po vsebini pa Kristus in Satan lepo dopolni cikel pesmi Juniusa XI. Sodni dan predstavi kot antipol stvarjenju v zachetku Geneze A in minljivemu trpljenju smrtnosti Izraelitskega tavanja v Eksodusu in Danielu doda katarzichen smisel, zraven pa v smislu vzorca objema zrcali serijo vsebinskih poudarkov z zachetka rokopisa, kot je na primer Satanova tozhba.

 

 

 

 

 

 

The emphasis throughout is on God’s promise of future bliss and the hereditary right to the Promised Land. These parts of the narrative were, at various times, proposed to be interpolations but are now generally viewed as an integral part of the poem linking several of its themes.23 Early on, the patriarchal ingression was viewed as a disturbance in the poetic flow: Hugo Balg suggested treating the digressions excerpt separately as Exodus B.24 Alois Brandl also proposed the ingressions be treated as a separate poem; he proposed the title "Noah und andere Patriarchen".25 Sedgefield did not include the passage in his edition at all and even criticized Krapp for including it.26 W. P. Ker called the digression "intolerable," and Charles Kennedy thought it interrupted the poetic sequence of Exodus.27 Even though, as Hauer put it, the rejection by the early scholars can be understood given what was known at the time, he landed on the side of unity.28 The term digressions remains in use, in spite of Richard Marsden’s convincing argument that they are integral to the poem’s intended message of the ancient right to the Promised Land, which is attained at the close of the poem and that the term ‘digressions’ should be replaced with ‘ingressions’.29

Daniel comprises 764 lines. The narrative begins with the enslavement of the Israelites and concludes abruptly with the destruction of the Israelite sacrificial vessels. These are perceived as a part of Solomon’s treasure and as belonging to the Israelite people. It follows the Vulgate relatively closely but takes its matter from several of its books. The parts of the Vulgate preceding the beginning of Daniel are condensed into a short introduction to the poem’s main narrative. Daniel also includes a long version of the song of the three Youths in the Furnace, which was proposed to have taken as its source, not the Vulgate, but the Canticle version.30

Christ and Satan stands out from the other poems. Among other things it does not treat Old Testament narrative and is not dependent on the Vulgate as a source. The editor, like Ælfric, had no qualms about indiscriminately using New Testament Apocryphal matter such as the Gospel of Nicodemus, which has been identified as a possible source of parts of Christ and Satan.31 Indeed, Old English biblical poetry includes narratives of New Testament Apocrypha just as readily as canonical narrative. According to Biggs, »the Anglo-Saxons would have inherited both an interest in and a distrust of the Apocrypha from the Latin fathers, in particular Jerome and Augustine.«32 In content, however, Christ and Satan fits well in the cycle of the Junius XI poems. It presents doomsday as the antithesis to the creation in Genesis and provides catharsis to the transient mortal suffering of the Israelite wanderings of the Exodus and Daniel poems. It also echoes many contentual emphases from the outset of the mansucript, such as Satan's Lament.

 

 

III. Datiranje rokopisa Junius XI in njegovih pesmi

 

Rokopis Junius XI ni dokonchno datiran. Zdi se, da je bil ob svojem nastanku premishljeno urejen; t.i. Liber I zajema prve shtiri pesmi, ki zajemajo svojo snov v Stari zavezi, ne patudi pete Kristus in Satan, ki sama zase vchasih imenovana Liber II. V celoti je pisana v enoviti inzularni minuskuli znachilni za otoshke rokopise poznega desetega stoletja, sledi enotni zasnovi razporeditve s stranmi vechnoma razdeljenimi v po shestindvajset vrstic.33 Na podlagi paleografskih ugotovitev je Ker rokopis datiral v sam zachetek enajstega stoletja.34 Francis Wormald je kopiranje rokopisa prisodil v drugo chetrtino enajstega stoletja, na podlagi prisotnosti ‘skandinavske likovnega vpliva’.35 Na podoben nachin je Doane datiral rokopis nekako v leto 1025,36 prav tako Lucas.37 Barbara Raw je dodala, da je bilo nekaj risb dodanih kasneje, morda celo 1100-1250.38 Kot je leta 1996 zapisal Remley: »… njene pripombe glede prominentne razstavljenosti folianta (verjetno na podiju), torej morda ciljajo na Anglo-Normansko kultivacijo verzov v stari angleshchini, na katero poprej nismo sumili.«39

Debata she ni konchana; leta 2002 je Leslie Lockett za datiranje rokopisa uporabil celostno analizo. Kot je zapisala: »Junius XI doslej she ni bil podvrzhen podrobni interdisciplinarni raziskavi, poizkusi da bi ga datirali na podlagi posameznih znachilnosti pa so proizvedli neskladne rezultate.« Zakljuchila je, da je bila zbirka Junius XI sestavljena nekako med leti 960 in 990.41 Doane zagovarja tezo, da je Liber I morda nastala na podlagi enega samega eksemplarja, ki pa ni vseboval pesmi Geneza B, ki naj bi bila dodana kasneje, ker naj bi bil del eksemplarja poshkodovan.42 Za eksemplar se predvideva, da je obstajal priblizhno stoletje pred nastankom Juniusa XI; tako naj bi vse te Svetopisemske pripovedi krozhile skupaj v pisni obliki tekom desetega stoletja, verjetno brez pesmi Kristus in Satan.43

Datiranje same vezave je manj relevantno za obseg te razprave, a si zasluzhi kratek povzetek, kot prikaz tezhavosti vrst datiranja, ki jih zahteva celo en sam rokopis. Stoddart obstojechi zvezek postavlja v petnajsto stoletje, s chimer se strinjajo tudi Gollanz, Timmer in nazadnje Doane.44 Doane, ki je pisal leta 1978, je pristal na datiranje v petnajsto stoletje, kljub temu, da je imel dostop do Lucasovega (1977) sklepa, da je bila zadnja vezava izvedena zhe med 1025 in 1050.45 Pacht in Alexander sta leta 1973 predlagala, da je bil rokopis ponovno preshit, in torej predvidoma nazadnje vezan okrog leta 1200. Na podlagi tehnichnih in stilistichnih dokazov je Barabara Raw pristala na 13. stoletju.

 

 

         

 

 

 

 

III. The Date of the Junius XI Manuscript and its Poems

 

The Junius XI manuscript has not yet conclusively been dated. The manuscript seems to have been thoroughly edited at its creation; the Liber I consists of the first four poems that treat Old Testament narratives and excludes Christ and Satan, which makes up the entirety of the so-called Liber II. It is written in a single insular minuscule hand typical of the late tenth century following a uniform layout, most pages being ruled for twenty-six lines.33 On palaeographic grounds, Ker dated Junius XI to the turn of the eleventh century.34 Francis Wormald dated the copying of Junius XI to the second quarter of the eleventh century, because of the presence of ‘Scandinavian’ artwork.35 Similarly, Doane dated the manuscript to about 1025,36 as did Lucas.37 Barbara Raw has stated that some of the illustrations were added later, perhaps as late as 1100-1250.38As Remley put it in 1996: »… her comments regarding the prominent display of the volume (possibly on a lectern) thus perhaps suggesting a hitherto unsuspected Anglo-Norman cultivation of Old English verse.«39

The debate is on-going; in 2002 Leslie Lockett applied integrated analysis to the dating of the manuscript. In her words: »Junius XI has not yet been the subject of a thorough, interdisciplinary analysis, and efforts to date it by individual features have produced discrepant results.«40 She concludes that the Junius XI manuscript collection dates to between 960-990.41 Doane argues that there may have existed a single exemplar containing Liber I without the Genesis B, which was added later, its inclusion necessary because the exemplar was in part damaged.42 The exemplar is conjectured to have existed about a century before the construction of the Junius XI manuscript, which would have the scriptural narratives possibly circulating together in written form throughout the tenth century, though possibly without Christ and Satan.43

The date of the binding is less pertinent to the scope of this thesis, but it deserves a very short recapitulation just to help us keep in mind the problematic nature of dating involved in examining even a single manuscript. Stoddart dates the current binding to the fifteenth century, a view accepted by Gollanz, Timmer and, more recently, Doane.44 Doane, writing in 1978, decided for the fifteenth century in spite of having access to Lucas’ (1977) argument for the latest binding dating to 1025-1050.45 Pacht and Alexander in 1973 proposed that the re-sewing, and so presumably the latest binding, dates to c. 1200. Barbara Raw, based on technical and stylistic evidence, decided on an early thirteenth century date.46

 

 

 

 

 

IV. Datiranje posameznih pesmi Juniusa XI: problemi in predlogi

 

Datiranja je vsesploshen problem pri staroangleshki poeziji, saj ta uporablja univerzalen pesnishki jezik in standardne formule ter uveljevljene fraze, ne glede na to kdaj pesem nastane. Kot je razlozhila Elizabeth Tyler, je zaradi »izjemne stilistichne stabilnosti staroangleshke poetike posamezne staroangleshke pesmi tezhko datirati in s tem umestiti v kronoloshki okvir,«47 Sploshne probleme datiraja staroangleshke poezije je detajlno razdelal Cronan leta 2004,48 ki ga pogosto citirajo v relaciji do posamichnih pesmi.49 Gre za naslednje probleme: ustvarjanje posamezne pesmi je odprt kumulativen proces brez dolochenega datuma ali kraja nastanka.50 Tudi, che je mogoche datirati posamezne dele pesmi, recimo na podlagi jezika, narechja ali terminologije, ki oznachuje druzhbene hierarhije (na primer uvajanje tujih têrminov za druzhbeni status bodisi danskega ali norveshkega izvora), to she ne pomeni, da lahko pesem tako datiramo tudi v celoti, oziroma da je bila pesem sploh v osnovi zamishljena v obliki, v kakrshni je ohranjena. Ilustracija tega potencialnega problema, hkrati pa tudi dokaz zmozhnosti akademske obravnave, je bilo osnovno predvidevanje, da sta pesmi Geneza A in B enotno besedilo, ki ji je sledila identifikacija Geneze B kot posebne interpolirane enote celo pred odkritjem dejanske izvirne pesmi.

Vechina Geneze B je v standardnem meshanem pesnishkem narechju51 in jo je kot celoto v sploshnem nemogoche datirati. Terminus ad quem, ki ga je predlagal Doane je nekako 1000-1025, kot najzgodnejshi mozhen datum stvaritve pa navede leto 680; kot pripomne tudi Doane sam, je to enako, kot rechi, da gre za staroangleshko pesem.52 Ko predvideva, da je bila Geneza A vkljuchena v eksemplar stoletje pred obstojechim rokopisum Junius XI, Doane naznachi, da je pesem v desetem stoletju obstajala v pisni obliki. Velik del Geneze A izprichuje besedne vzporednice z Beowulfom, Eksodusom in Danielom. Doane se v svoji edicije pridruzhuje mnenju, da bi lahko bila Geneza A sochasna z Beowulfom, a se ne strinja s tem, da je Beowulf zgodnjega nastanka.53

Hipoteza, da je bila Geneza B interpolirana, je bila potrjena leta 1894, ko so odkrili Vatikanski rokopis, ki je vseboval dele dejanske Stare kontinentalno Sashke Geneze.54 Che gre verjeti Doaneu, v tem trenutku zadnjemu resnemu uredniku pesmi, je bila staroangleshka Geneza B vkljuchena v eksemplar Juniusa XI vsaj stoletje starejsha kot Junius XI.55 Doane se nasloni na kodikoloshke dokaze in zanika Timmerjevo hipotezo, da je bila Geneza B prvich vkljuchena shele v zadnjo, torej obstojecho kopijo rokopisa Junius XI.56 Prav tako dokazuje, da Geneza B ni bila prevedena v desetem stoletju, kot so predlagali Gordon Hall, Robert Priebsch in Thomas Ohlgren, ki so se v svojih argumentih naslanjali na ekstrlaingvistichne analize.57 Doane preprichljivo razdela proces prevajanja oziroma, kot se izrazi ‘inskribiranja’ Stare Sashke Geneze, ki je ohranil mnoge originalne besede, pri chemer so nekater skrajshane, da se skladajo s staroangleshkim metrumom.

 

IV. Dating Individual Poems of Junius XI: Issues and Suggestions

 

Dating is a common problem for all of Old English poetry, which adheres to poetic language and employs standard formulas and set phrases no matter the time of its creation. As Elizabeth Tyler explains, due to the »exceptional stylistic stability of Old English poetics, individual Old English poems are difficult to date and thus to fit into a chronological framework.«47 The general issues of dating Old English poetry have been explained in detail by Cronan in his 2004 article48 and are often echoed in relation to dating specific poems.49 The issues may be recapitulated as follows: the creation of individual poems is an open ended accretive process with no single date or place of composition.50 Even if parts of poems could be dated, for example on the basis of language, dialect, or terminology for social hierarchies (such as introducing foreign terms denoting ranks either of Danish or Norman origin) this is not proof of the dating of the poem as a whole, or that the poem even was initially composed in the form in which it is preserved today. An illustration of this potential problem, though also proof of the capacity of scholarly examination, is the initial assumption that Genesis A and B were a single text followed by the identification of Genesis B as a separate interpolated and imported poem even before the Saxon Genesis was discovered.

The bulk of Genesis A is written in a standard mixed poetic dialect51 and is generally impossible to date as a unit. The terminus ad quem proposed by Doane is 1000-25, while he proposes the earliest possible date to be 680; as Doane notes, this is nothing more than calling it an Old English poem.52 By proposing that Genesis A was included in an exemplar a century before the current binding of Junius XI, Doane implies that the poem existed in written form in the tenth century. A large part of Genesis A has been verbally paralleled with the Beowulf, Exodus, and Daniel poems. Doane in his edition agrees that Genesis A could be contemporaneous with Beowulf. However he does not agree with Beowulf’s early date.53

The hypothesis that Genesis B is an interpolation was confirmed with the discovery of the Vatican manuscript containing parts of the actual Old Saxon Genesis in 1894.54 According to Doane, at this time the poem’s latest editor, the Old English Genesis B included in an exemplar for the Junius XI was at least a century older than Junius XI.55 Doane leans on codicological evidence to refute Timmer’s hypothesis that Genesis B was interpolated only at the time of the copying of Junius XI.56 He also argues against the late tenth-century date of the Genesis B translation, which had been proposed by Gordon Hall, Robert Priebsch, and Thomas Ohlgren who based their individual cases on extralinguistic analysis.57 Doane convincingly explains the process by which the Old Saxon Genesis was translated, or as he phrases it, ‘inscribed’, retaining many original words with some words shortened to fit Old English metre.

 

Doane pravi tudi, da je staroangleshko obchinstvo razumelo staro sashchino, za Genezo pa meni, da je krozhila po anglosashki Angliji zhe leta 900, morda celo 850. Poudari, da, tudi che je bila pesem res vkljuchena z namenom nadomestiti v eksemplarju poshkodovano ali nekako nezadostno svetopisemsko vsebino, to she vedno ne pojasni kako in na kakshen nachin je stara sashka pesem v osnovi prishla v anglosashko Anglijo.58

Prvi nastanek pesmi Eksodus je Lucas datiral nekako med leti 700 in 800, menil pa je tudi, da je sorodna Beowulfu,59 in se ni strinjal z Irvingom, ki je predlagal pozno sedmo ali zgodnej osmo stoletje.60 Pesem deluje enovito in je oblikovno konsistentna, zaradi chesar so nekateri skushali najti njen edini vir; v poznem devetnajstem stoletju sta Groth in Mürkens predlagala De transitu maris rubri, pesem ki jo je v petem stoletju napisal Avitus, shkof iz Vienna.61 Vendar pa, kot navaja Irving, je leta 1911 Samuel Moore drugega za drugim ovrgel vse Mürkenove argumente.62 Lucas, ki se je zadnji lotil urejanja pesmi, meni, da je pravi vir Exodusa kar »krshchanska tradicija, v okviru katere je pesem nastala« kot celota in nato izpostavi tri elemente krshchanske tradicije, ki jih je imel za primarne vire pesmi: Sveto pismo, svetopisemske komentarje in liturgijo.63 Poslej ni she nihche predlagal alternativnega datuma nastanka pesmi, kar je le dodaten dokaz o tezhavnosti datiranja staroangleshkih pesmi.

Podobno, so tudi poskusi datiranja Daniela usahnili. Leta 1948 je Kemp Malone izvajal, da je bila pesem napisana v Northumbriji v osmem stoletju.64 Ferell pa v zadnji celoviti izdaji (1977) niti ni poskushal predlagati datuma nastanka.65 Doane je preprichljivo ugotovil, da so morda predhodni uredniki she imeli dovolj svobode, da so lahko prihajali do »izchrpnih in samozavestnih zakljuchkov o sestavi in domovih svojih zbranih pesmi,« a je to postalo tezhje, ko je leta 1959 Kenneth Sisam objavil svoj temeljni chlanek ‘Dialect Origins of the Earlier Old English Verse’, v katerem je pojasnil, da je nemogoche razlochiti posamezne ohranjene plasti pesmi, ki obstaja le v eni kopiji.66 Nenaden konec Daniela in odsotnost pripisa finit Liber I, ki bi vzpostavil ravnovesje s pripisom finit Liber II, Amen ob koncu Kristua in Satana, sta dva argumenta, s pomochjo katerih so nekateri dokazovali, da pesmi Daniel v obstojechi obliki manjka konec;67 Krapp je trdil, da je sicer mogoche, da se je ta izgubil iz obstojechega rokopisa, vendar pa je menil, da najverjetneje rokopis Junius XI ni nikoli vseboval parafraze celotne Svetopisemske zgodbe o Danielu, pa chetudi bi taka parafraza obstajala kje drugje.68

Kristus in Satan izstopa na vech nachinov: v fizichnih lastnostih – zasnovi, rokopisu in velikosti strani – je razvidno, da je bila pesem dodana kasneje; Lucas je menil, da je bila ta pesem prej samostojna knjizhica, ki je krozhila neodvisno od ostalih, preden so jo vshili v Junius XI.69 To bi razlozhilo tudi nenaden konec pesmi Daniel.70

 

 

He views Old Saxon as intelligible to the Old English audience and states that the poem circulated in Anglo-Saxon England as early as 900, possibly even 850. Finally he points out that even if the poem was included in order to stand in for scriptural matter which had been either corrupted in an exemplar or somehow not deemed sufficient, this does not address the question of how and in what way the Old Saxon poem came to circulate in Anglo-Saxon England in the first place.58

For the original composition of Exodus an early date and similarity with Beowulf have been proposed by Lucas, who dated the poems to 700-800,59 disagreeing with Irving who favoured the late seventh or early eighth century.60 The poem exhibits a sense of unity and consistent form which is why attempts have been made to find a single source for the poem; in the late nineteenth century Groth and Mürkens proposed De Transitu Maris Rubri, written in the fifth century by Avitus, Bishop of Vienne.61 However, as Irving reports, in 1911 Samuel Moore demolished every one of Mürkens' arguments.62 Lucas, the latest editor, sees »the Christian tradition in which the poem must have been written« as the real source of the poem; he then points to three elements of the Christian tradition which were in his opinion the source for Exodus: the Bible, scriptural commentary, and the liturgy.63 Later scholarship has not proposed an alternative dating, which I view as yet another testament to the difficulty of dating Old English poems.

Similarly the dating of Daniel has largely been left unaddressed ever since Kemp Malone in 1948 suggested an origin in early eighth-century Northumbria.64 Farrell’s latest edition (1977) of the poem never proposed a date at all.65 As Doane reasoned, while previous editors had the freedom to construct »elaborate and confident conclusions about the composition and homes of their poems,« Kenneth Sisam’s seminal 1959 article, ‘Dialect Origins of the Earlier Old English Verse’ pointing out that it is impossible to distinguish which preserved layers can be discerned in poems in a single existing copy made it difficult for later scholars to attempt the same.66 The poem’s abrupt termination, and the absence of a note finit Liber I, which would balance out the note penned in at the end of Christ and Satan: finit Liber II. Amen, have been used to argue that Daniel in its current form is incomplete;67 Krapp maintained that a loss may have occurred in the manuscript, though he suggested that it was improbable that the Junius XI manuscript ever contained a paraphrase of the entire scriptural Book of Daniel, even if such a paraphrase existed elsewhere.68

Christ and Satan stands out from the manuscript in several ways. Physical differences, the layout, handwriting and size of folia demonstrate that the inclusion of this poem was not simultaneous with the others; Lucas proposed that Christ and Satan was previously a separate booklet, which circulated autonomously before being added and bound into the Junius XI manuscript.69 This would also account for Daniel’s abrupt ending.70

 

Barbara Raw pa se s Krappom ni strinjala; trdila je, da je bila pesem Kristus in Satan v rokopis vkljuchena zhe vsaj, ko so rokopis zvezali v obstojecho vezavo, v trinajstem stoletju. Dodala je tudi, da so rokopis tudi v 12. stoletju she vedno brali.

Tako kot za Eksodus, tudi za Kristus in Satan niso identificirali enega samega vira. Wright je menil, da je v pesmi chutiti Irske vplive; prav tako je pesnik, ki je spesnil pesem Kristus in Satan, kot pesnik Eksodusa, izkazal poglobljeno in obshirno poznavanje Krshchanskega izrochila.72 Glavno vprashanje obravnave pesmi Kristus in Satan je zhe dolgo njegova enovitost. Nekateri strastno zagovarjajo, da gre za nabor izsekov, drugi pa, da je pesem enovita.73 Leta 1925 jo je Gollancz, ki se je strinjal s Clubbom, da je pesem enovita in delo enega pesnika, tematsko razdelil na dva dela: ‘Zhalostinka padlih angelov’ in ‘Plenjenje Pekla’, dodal pa je, da je dodan she tretji naknadni sklep pesmi, ki ga je poimenoval ‘Skushnjava’.74 Leta 1977, v edini bolj sodobni izdaji Kristusa in Satana, je Finnegan podal preprichljive dokaze za enovitost pesmi; s pomochjo analognih homiletichnih anglosashkih virov, je predstavil dramtichno tematsko strukturo, ki v treh delih nachrtno razvije Kristusa od vsemogochnega pa do chloveshkega lika, s katerim se je moch poistovetiti.75

 

Enovitost rokopisa in izobraževalni namen

 

Pesmi rokopisa ni mogoche preuchevati le vsako zase, temvech tudi kot enotno kompilacijo, ki jo je nachrtno zlozhila urednishka roka. V vsebini se kazhe koherenca teme in namena rokopisa, kar bom izvajal v tem poglavju. Dosedanji shtudij je identificiral mnoge faktorje, ki prichajo o enovitosti in sorodnosti tematik, vsebine, teologije in celo uporabe in namena pesmi vkljuchenih v rokopis. Zhe leta 1912 je Bright menil, da so bile prve tri pesmi rokopisa namenjene rabi v liturgiji za Veliko soboto. Njegov predlog tipoloshke serije ni vkljucheval pesmi Kristus in Satan, za katero je menil, da je bila dodana kasneje in ni bila nachrtovana kot integralni del prvotne zasnove. Leta 1927 je Bright nasprotoval njegovemu stalishchu,77 kasneje, leta 1996, pa tudi Remley.78 Rendall je leta 1974 izpostavil skupne elemente v epizodi ‘Plenjenje Pekla’ v pesmih Eksodus in Kristus in Satan.79 Leta 1977 je Lucas pritrdil Brightovemu predlogu, da je bil rokopis namenjen rabi v liturgiji in interpretiral heofoncandel’ – svecha neba – metaforo za sonce iz Eksodus, kot velikonochno svecho.80 Barbara Raw se je leta 1978 pridruzhila temu mnenju.81 Bolj pred kratkim, leta 2005, je Anzelark zapisal, da le patriarhalna ingresija v Eksodusu, ki govori o zhrtvovanju Izaka »nakazuje na mozhnost direktne povezave branj pri Velikonochnih mashah«,82 med tem ko je Lapidge leta 2006 menil, da je v celotnem Juniusu XI prisoten poudarek na simbolizmu krsta.83 Danes prevladuje mnenje, da je bila sekcija Liber I zbrana nachrtno, z jasnim namenom uporabe, med tem ko naj bi bila Kristus in Satan dodana kasneje, bodisi nachrtno ali pa preprosto zato, da zakljuchi sicer odprt vsebinski dramaturshki lok od stvarjenja do sodnega dne.

Barbara Raw disagreed; according to her Christ and Satan was already included at the time the manuscript was re-bound in its current binding in the thirteenth century.71 She adds that the manuscript was still being read in the 12th century.

Like Exodus, Christ and Satan has no identified single source though Wright has suggested Irish influences; the Christ and Satan poet, like the Exodus poet, composed using a vast and varied knowledge of Christian lore.72 The central issue has long been the question of the poem’s unity, resulting in a scholarly debate as to whether Christ and Satan is a collection of excerpts, or a single poem.73 In 1925 Gollancz, agreeing with Clubb’s assessment that the poem was a unit and the work of a single poet, divided it in two thematic parts: ‘the lament of the fallen angels’ and ‘the harrowing of hell’ and added that there was a third ‘afterthought’ which he dubbed ‘the temptation’.74 More recently, in 1977, Finnegan argued convincingly for a single poem in the only recent critical edition of Christ and Satan; by way of homiletic Anglo-Saxon analogues, he presented a thematic dramatic structure in three parts as purposefully developing Christ’s character from omnipotent to a more relatable human character.75

 

Manuscript Unity and Instructional Intent

 

The poems of Junius XI may be studied not only in isolation, but as a compilation purposefully chosen by an editorial hand. There is contentual evidence of some coherence of theme and purpose, which will be explored in this section. Scholarship has identified several unifying and common traits in theme, content, theology, and even use and intent of the poems at their inclusion into the manuscript. As early as 1912, Bright argued that the first three poems of Junius XI were intended for use in the liturgical service for Holy Saturday. He excluded Christ and Satan from his proposed typological series, noting that it was an unplanned later addition.76 Gollancz quickly opposed him in 1927,77 and in 1996 so did Remley.78 In 1974 Rendall based part of his argument proposing common elements between Exodus and Christ and Satan’s Harrowing of Hell episode.79 In 1977, Lucas joined Bright in interpreting the heofoncandel as the paschal candle, which he saw as further evidence for the intended liturgical use of the manuscript as a whole.80 Barbara Raw concurred in 1978.81 Recently, in 2005, Anlezark stated that only the section of the patriarchal narrative in Exodus relating the sacrifice of Isaac »suggests the possibility of a direct connection to the Easter readings«,82 while in 2006, Lapidge generally agreed that in Junius XI there is an emphasis on the baptismal symbolism.83 The prevailing view purports that at least the Liber I collection of Junius XI poems was a larger purposefully assembled unit intended for specific use, while Christ and Satan may have been added later, either by design or simply to fill a perceived void in the dramaturgical arch from creation to doomsday.

 

V rokopisu ni naslovov ali odstavkov, ki bi prekinjali tok verzov. Pri branju naglas, po sklopih izbranih glede na liturgichni cikel 84 in Lent,85 bi obchinstvo she toliko tezhje zanzavalo posamezne pesmi kot samostojne enote. Kot je ugotovil Irving,86 bi bilo pri branju pesmi po delih ter morda celo izven vrstnega reda, she tezhje razbrati razlike med pesmimi, oziroma bi se te obchinstvu ne zdele pomembne. Poslushanje pesmi po sklopih bi ustvarilo mochnejshi vtis uniformnosti in enovitosti, kot tiho branje posameznih pesmi, kakrshno poznamo danes.

Poleg tematske enovitosti rokopisa, je zanimiv tudi njegov morebitni namen. Pesmi bi lahko sluzhile mnogim namenom; po naravi so pouchne, svoje obchinstvo pa pouchujejo tudi o idealih druzhbenega obnashanja.87 Zhe samo dejstvo, da je bila svetopisemska vsebina prirejena parametrom staroangleshkega pesnishkega zhanra, in ne le preprosto prevedena, kazhe na mozhno zheljo uparabe za uchne namene. Pesmi Juniusa XI spadajo v shirsho in starejsho anglosashko pesnishko tradicije pouchevanja s pomochjo zhanrov domache literarne tradicije. Zhe za chasa meniha Bede chastitljivega so pri pouchevanju uporabljali razlichna besedila v domachem jeziku: »Beda je prepoznal veliko pomembnost uporabe domachega jezika za osnovno pouchevanje o veri in je nevedne duhovnike oskrboval z lastnimi angleshkimi prevodi molitev in ochenasha.«88 V Angliji shtirje kodeksi, ki sestojijo v glavnem iz verzificiranih zgodb iz Biblije, napisani v poznem desetem in zgodnjem enajstem stoletju »predstavljajo precej vechji in bolj dodelan korpus poezije v domachem jeziku, kot ga najdemo na kontinentu.«89 V tem korpusu je svetopisemska vsebina prilagojena anglosashkemu druzhbenemu in kulturnemu okolju; predstavljena pa je na dramatiziran in zabaven nachin.

Pred vech kot shestdesetimi leti je Hardin Graig nakazal mozhnost namena pouchevanja v svoji obravnavi ciklichne drame Chorpus Christi: »ochitno je, da obstajajo paralele med ciklichnimi dramami in velikimi verskimi epi srednjega veka«.90 Woolf pudarja, da »chetudi so bili cikli premishljeno nachrtovani, avtorjev primarno niso zanimali liturgichni premisleki. Precej bolj pomemben se jm je zdel namen izobrazhevanja nepouchenih.«91 Pesmi Juniusa XI pogosto dramatizirajo svetopisemsko pripoved. Zdruzhevanje svetopisemske vsebine z zabavno pripovedjo v domachem jeziku ter obchinsku znanimi pesnishkimi oblikami pesmim pa nudi podoben didaktichen efekt. Tudi Remley je verjel, da »moremo pesmi Juniusa XI brati kot odseve anglosashkih metod pouchevanja svetopisemskih vsebin.«92 Nedavno, leta 2008, je Conner izrazil enako mnenje, a je dodal, da poleg same didaktichne narave pesmi, se tudi njihova vsebina naslanja na didaktichne materiale, ki tako tvorijo tradicijo verovanja.93 Conner jih je imenoval doktrinarne verske pesmi in jih v nachinu na katerega naslavljajo miselne procese vseh obchinstev primerjal s herojsko in bojno poezijo. Misel sklene s citiranjem Certauja, ki za pesmi reche »da se nagibajo bolj k sproshchujochim.«94

 

(Konec prvega dela, uvoda v rokopis.)

There are no titles or paragraphs to disturb the flow of the verse across the manuscript. If read aloud divided according to the liturgical cycle,84 and readings during lent,85 the verse could have been read in topical clusters, making it still more difficult for the audience to perceive individual poems as autonomous. As argued by Irving,86 reading the poems by parts, even out of sequence, would make the specific dissimilarities of individual poems even less likely to be perceived or appear relevant to the audience. If read out loud in clusters, the narrative of the manuscript would appear much more uniform and monolithic than if read to oneself, poem by poem, as the narratives are divided today.

In addition to their thematic unity, the scriptural paraphrases of Junius XI are also appropriate for my purposes because of their instructional nature and their inherent potential to relate the ideals of social conduct that they are trying to instil in its audience.87 The mere fact that scriptural narrative was adapted to the Old English poetic genre, rather than simply translated, points to the possibility of an instructional intent. The Junius XI poems belong to a greater and older Anglo-Saxon tradition of scriptural instruction through vernacular genres. As early as Bede, separate vernacular texts had been composed for the instruction of the unlearned: »Bede saw the great importance of the use of the vernacular for basic instruction in the faith and provided ignorant priests with his own English translations of the creed and the Lord's Prayer«.88 In England four codices mostly versifying biblical stories which were written in late tenth and early eleventh century »represent a much larger and more accomplished body of vernacular poetry than survives on the Continent«.89 This large body reframes scriptural matter to the Anglo-Saxon social and cultural environment; it also presents it in a much more dramatic and entertaining way.

Over sixty years ago, Hardin Craig alluded to the question of the instructional intent of vernacular paraphrases in discussing the Corpus Christi cycle drama: »It is evident that a parallel exists between the cycles of plays and the great religious epics of the Middle Ages«.90 Woolf emphasises that »whilst the cycles were consciously designed, the authors were not primarily moved by liturgical considerations. Far more important was the intention of instructing the unlearned«.91 The poems of Junius XI often add dramatization to the scriptural narrative. Combining scriptural narrative with vernacular entertainment and its familiar forms results in a similar didactic effect. Remley also believed that the »Junius poems may be viewed as reflexes of Anglo-Saxon methods of biblical instruction«.92 As late as 2008, Conner shared the same view but elaborated that apart from themselves being didactic, the poems are already based on didactic materials achieving a tradition of belief.93 Conner dubs them »doctrinal religious poems« and compares them to heroic and battle poetry in the way they speak to the minds of all audiences. He goes on to define the poems by quoting Certeau as »situated on the side of relaxation.«94

 

(End of part 1, introduction to the manuscript.)

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Raw, Barbara (1976), ‘The Probable Derivation of Most of the Illustrations in Junius 11 From an Illustrated Old Saxon Genesis’, Anglo-Saxon England, 5, 133-48.

--- (1984), »The Construction of Oxford, Bodleian Library, Junius 11«, Anglo-Saxon England, 13, 187-207.

Raw, Barbara Catherine (1978), The Art and Background of Old English Poetry (London: Edward Arnold).

Remley, P. G. (1996), Old English Biblical Verse: Studies in Genesis, Exodus and Daniel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).

Rendall, Thomas (1974), »Bondage and Freeing from Bondage in Old English Religious Poetry«, The Journal of English and Germanic Philology, 73 (4), 497-512.

Ritter, M. A. (1973), »The Angles and the Angels: A Study in the Correlation Between the Christian Doctrine of Spirits and the Aesthetics of the Anglo-Saxon Poems Genesis A and B, and Christ I and II«, PhD Thesis (University of Notre Dame).

Sedgefield, W. J. (1923), Specimens of Anglo-Saxon Poetry (Edinburgh).

Sisam, Kenneth (1953), »Dialect Origins of the Earlier Old English Verse«, Studies in the History of Old English literature (Oxford: Clarendon Press), 119-39.

Steiner, Johann Wilhelm Georg (1889), »Über die Interpolation im angelsächsischen Gedichte ‘Daniel’«, Thesis.

Steinmeyer, Elias von, et al. (1879), Die althochdeutschen Glossen, 5 vols. (Berlin: Weidmann).

Stoddart, F. H. (1887), «The Caedmon Poems in MS Junius 11», Anglia, 10, 157—67.

Thorpe, B. and Rogers, B. (1832), Caedmon's Metrical Paraphrase of Parts of the Holy Scriptures With an English Translation, Notes, and a Verbal Index (London: Society of Antiquaries of London).

Timmer, Benno J. (1948), The Later Genesis (Oxford: Scrivner Press).

Trahern, Joseph B. (1975), »More Scriptural Echoes in the Old English Exodus«, in L.E. Nicholson and D.W. Frese (ed.), Anglo-Saxon Poetry: Essays in Appreciation for John C. McGalliard (Notre Dame: Notre Dame: University Press), 291-8.

Tyler, Elizabeth M. (2006), Old English Poetics: The Æsthetics of the Familiar in Anglo-Saxon England (York: York Medieval Press).

Weber, Robert and Gryson, Roger (eds.) (1969), Biblia Sacra Vulgata Editio Quinta (Stuttgart).

Woolf, Rosemary (1972), The English Mystery Plays (Berkeley: University of California Press).

Wormald, Francis (1945), »Decorated Initials in English Manuscripts from A.D. 900 to 1100«, Archeologia, (91), 107-35.

Wright, Charles D. (1993), The Irish Tradition in Old English Literature, eds Keynes S. and Lapidge M. (Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).

--- (1996), »The Blood of Abel and the Branches of Sin: Genesis A, Maxims I and Aldhelm's Carmen de uirginitate«, Anglo-Saxon England, 25, 7-19.

 

 

 

 

 

Opombe / Notes:

 

 Irving, The Old English Exodus; B. Thorpe and B. Rogers, Caedmon's Metrical Paraphrase.

2 Gollancz (ed.), Caedmon Manuscript.

3 Krapp (ed.), The Junius Manuscript.

4 Remley, Old English Biblical Verse.

5 Muir, »A Digital Facsimile of Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Junius 11«.

6 Ibid.; Kennedy and Caedmon, The Caedmon Poems.

7 Doane, Genesis A; The Saxon Genesis.

8 Lucas, Exodus.

9 Irving, The Old English Exodus.

10 Irving, »New Notes on the Old English Exodus«; E. B. Irving, »Exodus Retraced«.

11 Finnegan, Christ and Satan.

12 Farrell (ed.), Daniel and Azarias.

13 Remley, Old English Biblical Verse.

14 Anlezark, Old Testament Narratives.

15 Kennedy, The Caedmon Poems; Bradley, Anglo-Saxon Poetry; Anlezark, Old Testament Narratives.

16 Weber and Gryson (ed.), Biblia Sacra Vulgata Editio Quinta; Challoner (ed.), Douay-Rheims Bible. Both are available online at <http://www.latinvulgate.com> [»Last accessed 30 August, 2015«].

17 Doane, Genesis A, p. 11.

18 The General consensus seems to be that most poets were well learned in Christian tradition including Irish and Patristic writing, whereas there were individual books of scripture these were not available in a unit: Remley, Old English Biblical Verse, p. 10. And what there was of scripture was the Latin Vulgate: Biggs, »An Introduction and Overview of Recent Work«, p. 2; Hall, »Biblical and Patristic Learning«, p. 328.

[Sploshni konsez je, da so bili vsi pesniki dobro poucheni o krshcanski tradiciji vkljuchno z irsko in patristichno literaturo. Obstajale so sicer posamezne knjige Svetega pisma, a ne skupaj v eni knjigi. Predvsem pa so imeli na voljo latinsko Vulgato.]

19 In addition to critical editions of individual poems there are several publications dealing with the possible sources of individual passages, for example: Biggs, Hill; Szarmach, Hammond (eds.), Sources of Anglo-Saxon Literary Culture; Calder and Allen (eds.), Sources and Analogues of Old English Poetry; Moore, »On the Sources of the Old-English ‘Exodus’«; Battles, »‘Genesis A’ and the Anglo-Saxon ‘Migration Myth’; Hill, ‘Pilate's Visionary Wife and the Innocence of Eve’; Johnson, »The Fall of Lucifer in ‘Genesis A’ and Two Anglo-Latin Royal Charters«; Raw, ‘The Probable Derivation’; Ritter, ‘The Angles and the Angels’; Wright, ‘The Blood of Abel and the Branches of Sin’; Anlezark, ‘Connecting the Patriarchs’; Breeze, ‘Habakkuk 1:8 as Source for Exodus 161–69’; Bright, ‘The Relation of the Cædmonian Exodus to the Liturgy’; Cross and Tucker, ‘Allegorical Tradition and the Old English Exodus’; Earl, ‘Christian Traditions and the Old English Exodus’; Ferguson, ‘The Old English Exodus and the Patristic Tradition’; Green, ‘Gregory's Moralia as an Inspirational Source’; Hall, ‘The Building of the Temple’; Hill, ‘The Virga of Moses’; Keenan, ‘Exodus 513, The Green Streets of Paradise’; Klaeber, ‘Concerning the Relation Between Exodus and Beowulf’; Martin, »Allegory and the African Woman in the Old English ‘Exodus’«; Moore, ‘On the Sources of the Old-English ‘Exodus’«; Trahern, ‘More Scriptural Echoes in the Old English Exodus’; Calder and Allen (eds.), Sources and Analogues of Old English Poetry.

20 Sievers, Der Heliand und die angelsächsische Genesis; see also Doane, The Saxon Genesis.

21 Doane, The Saxon Genesis, p. 41.

22 Ibid., p. 54.

23 Most notably Gollancz proposed to rearrange the three larger parts in a new order: I. Gollancz (ed.), Caedmon Manuscript. Brandl listed the Noah episode as a separate independent fragment under the name »Noah und Andere Patriarchen« in Irving, The Old English Exodus, p. 8. There is an excellent overview of the issue by Hauer, »The Patriarchal Digression in the Old English ‘Exodus’, Lines 362-446«. He, however, belongs among the proponents of the unity theory: Ferguson, »Noah, Abraham, and the Crossing of the Red Sea'; Anlezark, ‘Connecting the Patriarchs’«.

[Gollancz je predlagal celo nov vrstni red, v katerem bi se ti trije deli vrstili. Brandl je odsek o Noetu objavil kot posebno enoto. Hauer je objavil odlichen pregled. Sam sicer zagovarja enovitost.]

24 Balg, Der Dichter Caedmon und seine Werke, pp. 24-7.

25 Brandl, Geschichte der altenglishcen Literatur, p. 1029.

26 Sedgefield, Specimens of Anglo-Saxon Poetry; he criticized Krapp in Sedgefield, »Review: The Junius Manuscript by George Philip Krapp«, pp. 352-5.

27 Ker, The Dark Ages, pp. 176. 260-1; Kennedy, The Earliest English Poetry.

28 Hauer, ‘The Patriarchal Digression’, p. 78.

29 Marsden, ‘The Death of the Messenger’, p. 143.

30 Steiner, »Über die Interpolation im angelsächsischen Gedichte ‘Daniel’«, pp. 21-5.

31 Hall, ‘Ælfric and the Epistle to the Laodicians’; F. M. Biggs, ‘An Introduction and Overview of Recent Work’, p. 22.

32 Biggs, ‘An Introduction and Overview’, p. 11.

33 Krapp (ed.), The Junius Manuscript, p. ix.

34 Ker, Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon, no. 334, p. 406.

35 Wormald, ‘Decorated Initials in English Manuscripts from A.D. 900 to 1100’.

36 Doane, The Saxon Genesis, p. 29; Doane, Genesis A, pp. 13, 18.

37 Lucas, Exodus.

38 Raw, ‘The Construction of Oxford, Bodleian Library, Junius 11’, p. 199.

39 Remley, Old English Biblical Verse, p. 20.

40 Lockett, ‘An Integrated Re-examination of the Dating of Oxford, Bodleian Library, Junius 11’, p.142.

41 Ibid., p. 173.

42 Doane, Genesis A, p. 22.

43 Doane, The Saxon Genesis, pp. 34, 48-9.

44 Stoddart, ‘The Caedmon Poems in MS Junius 11’, p. 158; Gollancz (ed.), Caedmon Manuscript, p. xxxv; Timmer, The Later Genesis, p. 3; Doane, Genesis A, p. 6.

45 Lucas, Exodus, p. 4.

46 Raw, ‘The Construction of Oxford, Bodleian Library, Junius 11’, p. 205.

47 Tyler, Old English Poetics, p. 157.

48 Cronan, ‘Poetic Words, Conservatism and the Dating of Old English Poetry’.

49 Andersen, The Battle of Maldon; Liuzza, ‘On the Dating of Beowulf’; Lockett, ‘An Integrated Re-examination of the Dating of Oxford, Bodleian Library, Junius 11’.

50 Tyler, Old English Poetics, p. 157.

51 Sisam, ‘Dialect Origins of the Earlier Old English Verse’.

52 Doane, Genesis A, pp. 36-7.

53 Ibid., p. 37.

54 Doane, The Saxon Genesis, p. ix.

55 Ibid., p. 48.

56 Timmer, The Later Genesis, pp. 14-15.

57 Hall, ‘The Transmission and Date of Genesis B’; Priebsch, The Heliand Manuscript Cotton Calligula A. VII in the British Museum, p. 40; Ohlgren, ‘Some New Light on the Old English Cædmonian Genesis’, pp. 61-62; Doane, Genesis A, pp. 34, 49.

58 Doane, The Saxon Genesis, pp. 49-54.

59 Lucas, Exodus, p. 71.

60 Irving, The Old English Exodus, pp. 23-5; Irving, ‘Exodus Retraced’, p. 209; Irving, ‘On the Dating of the Old English Poems Genesis and Exodus’.

61 Groth, ‘Composition und Alter der altenglischen (angelsächsischen) Exodus’; Mürkens, Untersuchungen über das altenglische Exoduslied.

62 Moore, »On the Sources of the Old-English ‘Exodus’«; Irving, The Old English Exodus, p. 13.

63 Remley, Old English Biblical Verse, pp. 53-8.

64 Malone, ‘The Old English Period (to 1000)’.

65 Farrell (ed.), Daniel and Azarias.

66 Doane, Genesis A, p. 25; he is recapitulating Sisam, ‘Dialect Origins of the Earlier Old English Verse’, pp. 119-39.

67 Ker, Catalogue of Manuscripts Containing Anglo-Saxon, p. 407; Hall, ‘The Oldest English Epic of Redemption’, p. 186; Lucas, ‘On the Incomplete Ending of Daniel and the Addition of Christ and Satan to MS Junius 11’, p. 52; Raw, ‘The Construction of Oxford, Bodleian Library, Junius 11’, pp. 187-207; Krapp (ed.), The Junius Manuscript.

68 Krapp (ed.), The Junius Manuscript, pp. xxxi-xxxiii.

69 Lucas, ‘On the Incomplete Ending’. A more detailed description of the physical evidence to the poems late inclusion can be found in: Raw, ‘The Construction’, pp. 202-3; Remley, Old English Biblical Verse, pp. 21-22.

70 Lucas, ‘On the Incomplete Ending’.

71 Raw, ‘The Construction’, pp. 203-5.

72 Krapp (ed.), The Junius Manuscript, p. xxxv; Wright, The Irish Tradition in Old English Literature, p. 130.

73 Clubb, Christ and Satan an Old English Poem; Finnegan, Christ and Satan; Sleeth, Studies in Christ and Satan.

74 Clubb, Christ and Satan, p. xlvii; I. Gollancz (ed.), Caedmon Manuscript, p. cv.

75 Finnegan, Christ and Satan, pp. 22-36.

76 Bright, ‘The Relation of the Cædmonian Exodus to the Liturgy’.

77 Gollancz (ed.), Caedmon Manuscript.

78 Remley, Old English Biblical Verse, p. 173.

79 Rendall, ‘Bondage and Freeing from Bondage in Old English Religious Poetry’, p. 508. Harrowing of Hell is a designation for the typical medieval popular fable describing Christ’s entering Hell not unlike a military commander freeing enslaved souls and winning them for the Kingdom of Heaven.

[Harrowing of Hell prevajam kot Plenjenje Pekla; gre za tipichno srednjeveshko temo, kjer Kristus vstopi v pekel kot nekakshen vojashki poveljnik, da bi osvobodil zasuzhnjene dushe ter jih odpelje v Nebeshko kraljestvo.]

80 Lucas, Exodus, p. 50.

81 Raw, The Art and Background, pp. 1, 84.

82 Anlezark, ‘Connecting the Patriarchs’, p. 172.

83 Lapidge, ‘Versifying the Bible in the Middle Ages’, p. 16.

84 The idea was first presented in 1912 in Bright, ‘The Relation of the Cædmonian Exodus to the Liturgy’.

85 Raw, ‘The Construction’.

86 Irving, The Old English Exodus, p. 1.

87 Remley, Old English Biblical Verse, p. 43.

88 Day, ‘The Influence of the Catechetical Narratio on Old English and Some Other Medieval Literature’, p. 55. The four codices are: The ‘MS Bodleian Junius XI’, ‘Cotton MS Vitellius A XV’ (i.e. ‘The Nowell Codex’, sometimes informally referred to as the ‘Beowulf Manuscript’), ‘Exeter Cathedral Library MS 3501’ (i.e. ‘The Exeter Book’), ‘Codex Vercellensis’ (i.e. ‘The Vercelli Book’).

89 Abrams, ‘Germanic Christianities, 600-c. 1100’, p. 127.

90 Hall, ‘The Oldest English Epic of Redemption’, p. 189; he is referencing Craig, ‘The Origin of the Old Testament Plays’, p. 482.

91 Woolf, The English Mystery Plays, p. 75.

92 Remley, Old English Biblical Verse, p. 43.

93 Conner, ‘Religious Poetry’, p. 260.

94 Certeau and T. Conley, The Writing of History, pp. 273-4.

 

 

 

 

 

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